The first verse of Psalm 1 makes an interesting parallel:
Blessed is the man who walks not in the counsel of the ungodly, nor stands in the path of sinners, nor sits in the seat of the scornful. (Psalms 1:1)
Repetition is a frequently used poetic device in the psalms; a thought is said, then said again in different words. So the parallel placement of "the ungodly... sinners... the scornful" suggests that the psalmist saw these three as almost synonyms, or at least closely related. I have also seen the last word translated "the mockers." I should add that ungodly sinners do not have a monopoly on mockery in the Psalms, for Psalm 2 says:
He who sits in the heavens shall laugh; the Lord shall hold them in derision. (Psalms 2:4)
Still, I think Psalms 1's identification of scorn as a defining trait of the wicked is more typical, and it reminds me of Nietzsche. Nietzsche is certainly "scornful" and a "mocker," and this is an important if not the principal mode of persuasion he uses. I think his heavy reliance on this mode of persuasion should be regarded as illegitimate, and should go a long way towards discrediting him as a major philosopher. Furthermore, I think a worldview as evil and insane as Nietzsche's could not be advocated solely or primarily by argument. Argument as a mode of persuasion cannot always be cleanly distinguished from rhetoric or poetry or scorn. It is prone to error, and also, perhaps, has a tendency to lead to excessive skepticism and abdication of truth-claims. Yet it has a sufficiently stubborn and persistent tendency towards truth that a capable and devoted practitioner of argument could never become as far gone as Nietzsche.
The following passage from Beyond Good and Evil was chosen more or less at random as an illustration:
228. I hope to be forgiven for discovering that all moral philosophy hitherto has been tedious and has belonged to the soporific appliances--and that "virtue," in my opinion, has been MORE injured by the TEDIOUSNESS of its advocates than by anything else;
Nietzsche, the mocker, attacks moral philosophers by calling them boring. To an arguer, this is irrelevant: some truths may be boring, some falsehoods interesting, but one's business is to look for truth. Statistics is a very boring subject but useful for understanding the world.
at the same time, however, I would not wish to overlook their general usefulness. It is desirable that as few people as possible should reflect upon morals, and consequently it is very desirable that morals should not some day become interesting! But let us not be afraid! Things still remain today as they have always been: I see no one in Europe who has (or DISCLOSES) an idea of the fact that philosophizing concerning morals might be conducted in a dangerous, captious, and ensnaring manner--that CALAMITY might be involved therein.
More mockery: Nietzsche suggests that moral philosophers are either cowards and hypocrites or playing the fool, performing a function of putting the mind to sleep which is the opposite of their stated mission yet which earns their bread. There are also, of course, tantalizing hints here of arguments that might be interesting if they were developed. Why and for whom is it "desirable" that few should reflect about morals? He might be saying, like Voltaire, that one should not doubt the existence of God in front of the servants lest they steal the spoons. Or, if Nietzsche is being ironic, what real view is he hinting at and masking? None of this rises to the level of argument, however.
Observe, for example, the indefatigable, inevitable English utilitarians: how ponderously and respectably they stalk on, stalk along (a Homeric metaphor expresses it better) in the footsteps of Bentham, just as he had already stalked in the footsteps of the respectable Helvetius! (no, he was not a dangerous man, Helvetius, CE SENATEUR POCOCURANTE, to use an expression of Galiani).
Let me submit that to mock is essentially to devalue something, and this may consist of little more than conveying to one's interlocutor a low estimate of its value. "Indefatigable" literally means something like not easily tired and thus ought to be something good, but a mocker uses the phrase as a means of devaluing it. "Inevitable," a value-neutral word in itself, is if anything value-positive to an arguer, to say that B follows inevitably from A is (provided that we believe A) as much as to say that B is true. Yet Nietzsche manages to suggest that the very inevitability of English utilitarians somehow devalues them. Nietzsche gives "respectable" a negative connotation by coupling it with ponderous, and he uses "dangerous" with a positive connotation. Such tricks illuminate the "ungodly... sinners... mockers" parallel in Psalm 1. The mocker devalues the holy and the good, and thus spares the ungodly and the sinners from any pangs of conscience they might have. No arguments are needed.
No new thought, nothing of the nature of a finer turning or better expression of an old thought, not even a proper history of what has been previously thought on the subject: an IMPOSSIBLE literature, taking it all in all, unless one knows how to leaven it with some mischief.
If Bentham and other utilitarians never expressed a new thought, nor fine-tuned or better expressed an old thought, why did anyone read them? Yet people did. So perhaps Nietzsche is missing something. But the claim is, anyway, irrelevant. Whether or not the English utilitarians were original has nothing to do with whether they were right.
In effect, the old English vice called CANT, which is MORAL TARTUFFISM, has insinuated itself also into these moralists (whom one must certainly read with an eye to their motives if one MUST read them),
Why? Aren't ad hominem attacks invalid? If someone makes a good argument with bad motives, it is no less true. Of course, if we are to interrogate the motives of the utilitarians, we might also interrogate those of Nietzsche, the pathetic, lonely, sexually inactive invalid, comforting himself by persuading himself he was better than others, enjoying the pleasures of scorn to compensate for lacking those of health and family and friendship that others enjoy. Nietzsche seems rather more vulnerable than the utilitarians on this score. But it's better to put all questions of motives to one side.
concealed this time under the new form of the scientific spirit; moreover, there is not absent from them a secret struggle with the pangs of conscience, from which a race of former Puritans must naturally suffer, in all their scientific tinkering with morals.
Again: ad hominem, therefore irrelevant. But perhaps persuasive, as mockery.
(Is not a moralist the opposite of a Puritan? That is to say, as a thinker who regards morality as questionable, as worthy of interrogation, in short, as a problem? Is moralizing not-immoral?)
This remark is a display of ignorance. It is common, even typical, for puritanical men and women to interrogate their morality, as history shows.
In the end, they all want English morality to be recognized as authoritative, inasmuch as mankind, or the "general utility," or "the happiness of the greatest number,"--no! the happiness of ENGLAND, will be best served thereby. They would like, by all means, to convince themselves that the striving after English happiness, I mean after COMFORT and FASHION (and in the highest instance, a seat in Parliament), is at the same time the true path of virtue; in fact, that in so far as there has been virtue in the world hitherto, it has just consisted in such striving.
A charge like this certainly would need to be backed up. The claim that utilitarians identify "the happiness of the greatest number" with the happiness of England is obviously and grossly unjust-- clearly Bentham's principle of maximizing pleasure and minimizing pain applies to all humans, not just Englishmen. Any utilitarian knows that people might derive pleasure from many things, not just comfort and fashion, and that there are differences among people and cultures as to what brings pleasure. Certainly pleasure and pain are concepts readily intelligible to people of all cultures. The charge of English ethnocentrism is singularly inapt as a critique of utilitarianism.
Not one of those ponderous, conscience-stricken herding-animals (who undertake to advocate the cause of egoism as conducive to the general welfare) wants to have any knowledge or inkling of the facts that the "general welfare" is no ideal, no goal, no notion that can be at all grasped, but is only a nostrum,
Nietzsche has been building up to this, and we may credit him here with a shred of something that might be characterized as argument. Nietzsche is, in his vague and hysterical way, making a point which was made by his contemporary Vilfredo Pareto and is now more cogently expressed in the standard doctrines of mainstream economics. Utility can be deduced from behavior, but we have no compelling grounds for defining utility in such a way as to be amenable to cardinal rather than ordinal representation (that is, to say "x gives Person A twice as much (as opposed to simply more) satisfaction than y), or to regard it as inter-personally comparable. Unfortunately, he exaggerates to the point of making his claim untenable. People possess and can express some notion of their own good, can derive from analogy to themselves and from listening to what other people say some notion of the good of others, and can, by observing people's consumption of market commodities and summing up total consumption across the economy, arrive at some concrete measures of the general welfare. Certainly there can be differences of opinion about how to define and measure the general welfare, and there may even be fundamental and fatal flaws in the concept that careful argument could expose-- ultimately I might even agree that there are-- but to say it is only a "nostrum" and that it cannot "at all be grasped" is simply naive.
The phrase "herding-animals" is one of Nietzsche's favorite expressions of mockery. It is, as usual, singularly inapt. Modern European civilization places unique emphasis on the individual's welfare and liberty, where most other civilizations have been more inclined to subordinate the individual to the society, or, to put it in Nietzschean terms, the "herd."
--that what is fair to one MAY NOT at all be fair to another,
Notice the switch from talk of "the general welfare" to talk of what is "fair." Nietzsche is either confused or sloppy here, for he seems to treat considerations of justice and utility as synonymous. They are, of course, distinct: a claim of justice characteristically overrides considerations of utility at least in the immediate sense. Of course, many moral philosophers would deny that "what is fair to one may not... be fair to another," arguing instead that actions and decisions are just or unjust objectively, independently of anyone's point of view. Nietzsche's relativistic alternative is asserted here as if it were revealed truth, with no argument in its support.
that the requirement of one morality for all is really a detriment to higher men, in short, that there is a DISTINCTION OF RANK between man and man, and consequently between morality and morality.
If Nietzsche had offered a clear explanation of what "higher men" are, of why we should believe in (innate?) "distinctions of rank" in some fundamental sense, then we could have an argument about (a) whether "the requirement of one morality for all is really a detriment to higher men," and (b) if so, whether that is a cogent point against it-- for one might, after all, say that yes, the requirement of one morality hurts higher men, but it benefits the rest of us, and that is more important. But Nietzsche does not, and could not, define what "higher men" are. To the "higher man" we apply the criticism which Nietzsche unwarrantedly made of the concept of the "general welfare": it is "no ideal, no goal, no notion that can be at all grasped, but is only a nostrum."
Nietzsche's words here eerily suggest the philosophy of Dostoyevsky's character Raskolnikov in Crime and Punishment. Raskolnikov thought that morality is binding on most people, on ordinary people, but that some higher personalities are entitled to step over obstacles. He acts on this philosophy by murdering an old woman, and the novel describes (among other things) this act and the breakdown of Raskolnikov's personality under the weight of secrecy and remorse thereafter. Strangely, Nietzsche seems to have bought into Raskolnikov's personal philosophy, without irony.
On the other hand, Nietzsche is in another sense right, even unproblematically right. There are indeed distinctions of rank (vertical) and of profession (horizontal) in life, and sometimes certain differences in morality attach to them. Thus, unconsidered, opinionated outbursts might be a great sin for a statesman, but a small sin or even an appealing foible in a carpenter. The same utterance might be a valiant effort from the mouth of a schoolboy, but an appalling lapse from the mouth of a professor. To sell his services to the highest bidder is meritorious in a businessman but wicked in a judge. All this can be quite consistent with a utilitarian meta-ethics.
They are an unassuming and fundamentally mediocre species of men, these utilitarian Englishmen, and, as already remarked, in so far as they are tedious, one cannot think highly enough of their utility. One ought even to ENCOURAGE them, as has been partially attempted in the following rhymes:--
Hail, ye worthies, barrow-wheeling,
"Longer--better," aye revealing,
Stiffer aye in head and knee;
Unenraptured, never jesting,
Mediocre everlasting,
SANS GENIE ET SANS ESPRIT!
Again note the mocking tone, exemplified by the word "mediocre," an odd word which superficially means merely average or moderate, but which has come to have a highly derogatory connotation. The verse certainly makes the English utilitarians seem ridiculous, but what does it have to do with the validity of their arguments?
Mockery can be an effective form of persuasion because it makes people want to be on the side of the mocker rather than the mocked. In sixth grade, I found myself in an environment in which mockery was the dominant mode of social competition. Kids were always "making fun of" each other, often in new, sexual ways which they were just becoming old enough to know about. Those who were best at it rose to the top of the cool hierarchy, because others were intimidated. Losers and pariahs had a role to play because they were the objects on which others practiced, and demonstrated, their skills of insulting others. One could, of course, present evidence that one is not, say, a "faggot," but in that climate of discourse, one would only be laughed at all the more.
Nietzsche relies heavily on these schoolyard-bully tactics. Those tempted to agree with the English utilitarians are threatened with being called "unenraptured, never jesting," "mediocre," "ponderous" and "inevitable," guilty of "cant" and "tartuffism," ethnocentric and narrow-minded "herding animals." Those who agree with Nietzsche are enticed with the promise of being classified as "higher men," "distinguished by rank" from the "mediocre;" they are addressed elsewhere as "ye free spirits" and "philosophers of the future." To snobs, this incentive is hard to resist. (Might this explain why Nietzsche is overrated by academic philosophers?)
Joyless Moralist, who has some credibility because she does not agree with Nietzsche herself, writes that "I have to recognize Nietzsche as a thinker of a very high order, because he simply is. Very few have had such deep insight into the character of modern philosophy, or levied such cutting criticisms." If such is Nietzsche's specialty, a passage like the above, where Nietzsche is levying "cutting criticisms" against an important school of modern philosophy, should represent Nietzsche at his best. Am I suppose to believe, then, that this is a powerful critique of utilitarianism?
But it isn't. In the middle of Beyond Good and Evil (228), Nietzsche gestures towards an argument against utilitarianism, which he expresses in an exaggerated way that renders it untenable. His sneer that the general welfare is "no ideal, no goal, no notion that can be at all grasped, but is only a nostrum" might serve as a provocation to some clarifications by utilitarians, but only a gullible and foolish reader would simply be convinced by the claim. Granted, a related argument, subtler and less exaggerated, was made by economists of the "marginal revolution," roughly contemporary with Nietzsche, and became a point of departure for significant revisions of utilitarianism as a meta-ethics and a retreat from some of its stronger claims, but we can't give Nietzsche credit for that, since he does not indicate he could have understood, let alone originated the arguments of Pareto (or of Menger, his chronological predecessor). A hint of mediocre argument is embedded in sentence after sentence of sneering, which account for most of the persuasive force of the paragraph, yet which must be regarded as so many wasted words unless we are ready to concede that scorn is a valid mode of philosophizing. Should we? (Meanwhile, a few words about "the higher man" that are thrown in may help to persuade via snob appeal.)
This is one of hundreds of paragraphs in Beyond Good and Evil, and notice how laboriously I have had to answer it. Nietzsche is like a philosophical guerrilla warrior: he can't win a fair fight, but he can make so many sneak attacks that he might achieve a sort of victory through attrition if you try to argue with him. His fans never have to concede defeat, because one can always respond to a rout of this or that paragraph by saying that it needs to be understood in the context of his broader work. (One would not have to do this with a philosopher who persuades by argument, of course. He can be attacked at any point and is obliged to defend his claims.) That's why I think what is needed is to disqualify him ex ante by conceiving the philosophical enterprise in such a way that philosophers can refuse to let themselves be baited by Nietzsche's tactics. Joyless Moralist challenges me:
But it does seem pretty funny to me that you want to insist that Nietzsche isn't really a philosopher when pretty much the whole philosophical world agrees that he is. Perhaps you should lay out more clearly and exactly what the guidelines are for being a philosopher.
Sure. What is philosophy? The paradigmatic philosophers, as I see it, are Socrates and Descartes. Not that they are the best philosophers, but more than others they embody the spirit of inquiry. In each case, the type of man, and the enterprise he represented, has an importance separate from the content of his thought. Doubt everything, or question everything, is the ideal Socrates and Descartes represent, and it marks an ethic definitive of philosophy even if it is also, perhaps, an unattainable ideal. Of course, there are things one finds one can't doubt-- cogito ergo sum-- but a good philosopher does not simply dismiss his own doubts, or those expressed by others, and he often anticipates and answers those that others might express. A good philosopher tries not to make lots of unwarranted claims. He relies on reason to persuade, because he does not believe or take himself to know lots of things that cannot be rationally arrived at. Or, if he does accept some things on non-rational grounds, he accepts that he does not quite have a right to do so as a philosopher, and makes apologies and disclaimers where appropriate. We might say, without condemnation, that he is, to that extent, not a philosopher.
This way of defining philosophy is somewhat consistent with traditional intellectual history. Historically, Descartes' challenge is usually taken as the starting-point of modern philosophy. Greek philosophy preceded Socrates, but the pre-Socratics were, for the most part, more like forerunners of the natural sciences than philosophers in our sense. I get the sense that few contemporary philosophers feel they owe much to thinkers before Plato and Aristotle. (A few might be indebted to Heraclitus or Pythagoras.) Socrates and Descartes can thus be taken as symbols or representatives of traditions, the traditions of ancient and modern philosophy respectively. Of course, this leaves medieval Catholic philosophy out in the cold, which won't quite do. It seems to me that academic philosophers do tend to regard medieval Catholic philosophy a bit condescendingly or dismissively, because these philosophers were willing to accept religious authority as decisive evidence, which strikes them as morally cowardly and/or rationally invalid. Yet the medieval scholastics were assiduous reasoners and arguers, and on the strength of that may be counted among philosophers despite a somewhat unphilosopherly epistemology.
Not surprisingly, Nietzsche, who hated Socrates and the modern philosophy that Nietzsche saw as vitiated by Platonist habits, does not fit in these traditions. The fact that Nietzsche is demanding a change in the rules seems to make JM more willing to score him by different rules than other philosophers are scored by. Believing in instinct, he writes by instinct like a prophet, and relies for persuasion on the instinct of his readers to side with the strong rather than the weak. Believing in the Ubermensch and the will-to-power, he writes imperiously, dictating from above. Seeing one morality as detrimental to "higher man," he refuses to accept one epistemological morality and to do battle on the level playing field of argument. Perhaps it seems to JM and other philosophers unfair, even question-begging, to demand that Nietzsche play by rules which his philosophy repudiates.
But it is equally unfair to ask philosophers who rely on argument to persuade, to enter the arena against Nietzsche, who persuades mainly by the use of scorn. Scorn is an easier weapon to use than argument, after all. And argumentative philosophers could deploy scorn, as Bertrand Russell does to some extent in his appraisal of Nietzsche in History of Western Philosophy, for example, if it were not against their scruples. (The bumper sticker "God is dead - Nietzsche. Nietzsche is dead - God." is another example of attacking Nietzsche via his own weapon of scornful rhetoric.) We could easily imagine a discipline of philosophy that consisted of dueling scorners satirizing and mocking each other and impugning each other's motives. But I don't believe that a discipline like that would be likely to lead to any truth, whereas a discipline based on argument might lead to a good deal.
If Nietzsche is to be ranked among the philosophers without the risk of legitimizing scorn as a tactic, it would really be necessary to perform a culling operation first, separating the wheat of argument from the chaff of scorn. But I get the impression that there would be very little wheat. Psalm 1 compares the ungoldy to "chaff which the wind blows away." Apt.
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